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There is no justice in who can breathe easy and who can’t breathe at all. People who assiduously followed the rules of social distancing may get sick, while those who flouted them happily toast their friends in a crowded bar.
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People partying in a pool may live while those protesting police brutality may die. Floyd, 46, survived COVID-19 in April, but was killed under the knee of a police officer in May.Īnd yet, even though this health crisis reflects our nation’s political, social, and civic infrastructure, this plague has no consideration for morality. Two racial inequities meet in this week’s protests: one, a pandemic in which black people are dying at nearly twice their proportion of the population, according to racial data compiled by the COVID Tracking Project at The Atlantic and two, antiblack police brutality, with its long American history and intensifying militarization.
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People born in zip codes mere miles from one another might have life-expectancy gaps of 10 or even 20 years. The mortality gap between black and white people persists. The risk of transmission is complicated by, and intertwined with, the urgent moral stakes: Systemic racism suffuses the United States.
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In such a state of public mind, a trivial incident can precipitate a riot… Unchecked mob violence creates hatred and intolerance, making impossible free and dispassionate discussion, not only of race problems, but questions on which races and sections differ.” He wrote: “Persistence of unpunished lynchings of Negroes fosters lawlessness among white men imbued with the mob spirit and creates a spirit of bitterness among Negroes. Yet only one major report, by Dr George Haynes, a black civil servant and academic, in October 1919, recognised this, noting lynching as a national problem and connecting it to the riots. There was no grey area in all this, no “very fine people” on both sides. While there were most certainly leftist elements at play, the resistance was without question a defensive reaction to years of unpunished violence by white individuals and mobs. He blamed the Washington riots on “numerous assaults committed by Negroes upon white women,” despite an absence of evidence, and the Elaine massacre on “agitation in a Negro lodge.” He also initiated an investigation of “Negro activities.” The riots also coincided with the beginning of J. Mitchell Palmer, reported to Congress on the anarchist and Bolshevik threat, and accused black community leaders of an “ill-governed reaction toward race rioting.” The state was determined to ignore racial inequality and heap the blame on socialists. This was in part due to federal briefings to the press. Just about every mainstream newspaper, including other supposedly “liberal” titles, such as the New York Times and Wall Street Journal, spun the line of black “Bolsheviks.” The Times ran the headline “Reds Try to Stir Negroes to Revolt.” This being just two years after the Russian Revolution, black-rights movements were labelled “Bolshevik.” Sound familiar? It was leapt on by the federal government and the press as being Marxist and pro-Soviet. In the US, black resistance was politicised. The Atlantic slave trade - What too few textbooks told you - Anthony Hazard Modern slavery, hidden in plain sight _ Kate Garbers _ TED圎xeter Racism in Portugal - A blind spot for the mediaĭEBATE _ Was destroying the statue justifiedġ0 Countries Most Afflicted By Modern Slavery Cornel West on Racism, Inequality, & American Empire Why have slave rebellions been left out of US historyĬhris Hedges' Empire of Illusion _ The New Schoolĭr. The legacy of slavery and Empire today _ Studio B, Unscripted (web extra)
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How can modern slavery be stopped _ Inside Story On Contact - The New Republic with D D GuttenplanĪ Moral Debt - The Legacy of Slavery in the USA _ Correspondent Debate - The West Should Pay Reparations for Slavery